Two strategies of reopening QUDs— evidence from German auch & noch

Authors

  • Mira Grubic

Abstract

This paper argues for a domain restriction account for wh-words in questions using resource situations, in parallel with the domain restriction of quantifiers proposed in Kratzer (2011). It is argued that under a situation semantic account assuming resource situations, the different behaviour of additive particles can be explained: Under a question under discussion account, additive particles like too and also are used when a (possibly covert) question is ‘reopened’ in order to add a further true answer (Beaver and Clark 2008, i.a.). This paper suggests that there are two ways in which a question can be re-addressed: it can either be reopened with (i) a different resource situation or (ii) with a different topic situation. This can explain the different behaviour of the additive particles auch and noch in German.

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How to Cite

Grubic, M. (2019). Two strategies of reopening QUDs— evidence from German auch & noch. Proceedings of Sinn Und Bedeutung, 21(1), 517–534. Retrieved from https://ojs.ub.uni-konstanz.de/sub/index.php/sub/article/view/152