Two strategies of reopening QUDs— evidence from German auch & noch

  • Mira Grubic

Abstract

This paper argues for a domain restriction account for wh-words in questions using resource situations, in parallel with the domain restriction of quantifiers proposed in Kratzer (2011). It is argued that under a situation semantic account assuming resource situations, the different behaviour of additive particles can be explained: Under a question under discussion account, additive particles like too and also are used when a (possibly covert) question is ‘reopened’ in order to add a further true answer (Beaver and Clark 2008, i.a.). This paper suggests that there are two ways in which a question can be re-addressed: it can either be reopened with (i) a different resource situation or (ii) with a different topic situation. This can explain the different behaviour of the additive particles auch and noch in German.
How to Cite
Grubic, M. (1). Two strategies of reopening QUDs— evidence from German auch & noch. Proceedings of Sinn Und Bedeutung, 21(1), 517-534. Retrieved from https://ojs.ub.uni-konstanz.de/sub/index.php/sub/article/view/152