On the Temporal Use of the Focus Particle 'gerade'

Abstract

In this paper, we demonstrate that the analysis for the non-temporal uses of the German particle gerade developed in Schaden & Tovena (2008) applies to the temporal use of the particle as well. We also show that the non-temporal uses of gerade display a conventional association with focus (cf. Beaver & Clark (2007)), and explore the hypothesis that the same type of focus dependency is at stake with the temporal use, namely the ‘progressive’ and the ‘immediate anteriority’ readings. These readings are analysed as cases of association with Aspect-Phrase and Perfect-Phrase, respectively.