TY - JOUR AU - Yatsushiro, Kazuko PY - 2019/08/19 Y2 - 2024/03/29 TI - Quantifier Acquisition: Presuppositions of “every” JF - Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung JA - SuB VL - 12 IS - 0 SE - Articles DO - 10.18148/sub/2008.v12i0.713 UR - https://ojs.ub.uni-konstanz.de/sub/index.php/sub/article/view/713 SP - 663-677 AB - <p>Three components of determiner meanings – truth conditions, implicatures, and presuppositions – have been identified. One of the major findings in acquisition, related to the truth conditions of the quantifiers, has been that children go through at least two stages of non-adult interpretation of the quantifier<em> every</em> (Philip, 1995). More recently, researchers (Noveck, 2001; Gualmini <em>et al</em>., 2001; Chierchia, 2001b; Papafragou &amp; Musolino, 2003) have shown that children understand quantifiers logically in a context where adults derive scalar implicatures (for example, <em>some</em> vs.<em> all</em> ). In this paper, I focus on the third component of the determiner meaning, presupposition. Using Felicity Judgment Task, I argue that children acquire the lexical presupposition earlier than the implicated presupposition, and that the acquisition path of implicated presupposition resembles more closely that of scalar implicatures.</p> ER -