Counterfactual donkeys don't get high
AbstractI present data that suggest the universal entailments of counterfactual donkey sentences aren’t as universal as some have claimed. I argue that this favors the strategy of attributing these entailments to a special property of the similarity ordering on worlds provided by some contexts, rather than to a semantically encoded sensitivity to assignment.
How to Cite
Deigan, M. (2019). Counterfactual donkeys don’t get high. Proceedings of Sinn Und Bedeutung, 22(1), 367–384. Retrieved from https://ojs.ub.uni-konstanz.de/sub/index.php/sub/article/view/96