Quantifier Acquisition: Presuppositions of “every”


  • Kazuko Yatsushiro




Three components of determiner meanings – truth conditions, implicatures, and presuppositions – have been identified. One of the major findings in acquisition, related to the truth conditions of the quantifiers, has been that children go through at least two stages of non-adult interpretation of the quantifier every (Philip, 1995). More recently, researchers (Noveck, 2001; Gualmini et al., 2001; Chierchia, 2001b; Papafragou & Musolino, 2003) have shown that children understand quantifiers logically in a context where adults derive scalar implicatures (for example, some vs. all ). In this paper, I focus on the third component of the determiner meaning, presupposition. Using Felicity Judgment Task, I argue that children acquire the lexical presupposition earlier than the implicated presupposition, and that the acquisition path of implicated presupposition resembles more closely that of scalar implicatures.




How to Cite

Yatsushiro, K. (2019). Quantifier Acquisition: Presuppositions of “every”. Proceedings of Sinn Und Bedeutung, 12, 663–677. https://doi.org/10.18148/sub/2008.v12i0.713