Stative Passives and Event Kinds

Abstract

Motivated by particular restrictions on event-related modification with German stative passives, this paper proposes that stative passives instantiate a consequent state kind of an event kind. The participle in such constructions has to be derived from a verb whose event structure contains a consequent state, represented by an event-semantically interpreted BECOME component. Eventrelated modifiers with BE-passives modify either the event kind argument or the state itself, and are therefore semantically licensed.