One many, many readings

Abstract

This paper pursues a unified analysis of the different readings that the so called quantifier many gives rise to. Adopting a degree-based semantics account, many is decomposed into a gradable cardinality predicate and the positive operator POS. The different readings are argued to result from different scope of POS and association with focus. This improves on alternative accounts, which either employ more than one lexical entry for many or do not specify a compositional implementation.