Future/epistemic ambiguities as height-relativity: Evidence from Gujarati

Abstract

Epistemic claims and future claims often involve the same morpheme (Enç, 1996; Kush, 2015; Winans, 2016; Giannakidou and Mari, 2018). This paper argues that, in some languages, this is because apparent reference to future times is quantification over future worlds. This assimilates the epistemic/future parallel to variable-flavor modality. I introduce novel data from Gujarati (Indo-Aryan), which allows only epistemic readings of the morpheme -s- when it is placed on the auxiliary verb (hovu, ‘to be’), and only future readings when on main verbs. I provide a univocal analysis of the morpheme, where -s- contributes universal modal force, but the modal base (epistemic vs. metaphysical) is determined by syntactic position (following Hacquard, 2006). I also show -s- can scope under negation, strengthening the claim that -s- is a necessity modal.