Passamaquoddy quantifiers: Outlier of distributivity-number generalization?

Abstract

Recent work (Haslinger et al., 2023) proposes a cross-linguistic Distributivity–Number Generalization (DNG) for universal quantifiers (UQs): UQs combining with singular nominal complements enforce distributive interpretations, while those combining with plural complements allow non-distributive (collective or cumulative) readings. We present two apparent counterexamples from Passamaquoddy(-Wolastoqey), an Eastern Algonquian language. First, the UQs i-pesq/ehtahsi-pesq obligatorily combines with plural nominals but permits only distributive interpretations. Second, the UQ psi-te can combine with singular nominals and nevertheless yield collective readings. We argue that these facts can largely be reconciled with a unified semantics for UQs by positing a covert group-formation operator independently motivated by the absence of singular group nouns in Passamaquoddy. A residual puzzle concerning psi-te remains, which we leave for future research.