When evidentiality meets deonticity: A case study of Nuosu Yi 'di'31/44 & 'zo'44

Abstract

This paper investigates the interaction between the evidential marker di31/44 and the deontic modal zo44 in Nuosu Yi (Tibeto-Burman, China). Specifically, when di31 immediately precedes zo44, which encodes strong necessity, i.e., p+di31+zo44, the resulting interpretation approximates weak necessity conveyed by should/ought in English. On the contrary, when di44 immediately follows zo44, i.e., p+zo44+di44, the strong necessity interpretation is preserved, yet the speaker exhibits a marked lack of commitment to p. We argue that the positional variation of the evidential marker functions as a parameter shifter, modulating distinct components of modal interpretations (cf. Ferreira, 2023). It targets the ordering source in p+di31+zo44 where it promotes the secondary ordering source (à la von Fintel and Iatridou, 2008); instead, it modifies the modal base in p+zo44+di44 where it adds an informational conversational background containing the contents of reports to the modal base that do not constitute evidence for p (Kratzer, 2012; Faller, 2020). Overall, the patterns illustrate and may further shed light on the scopal interaction between evidentials and modals. With wide scope, the evidential conveys that the modal claim is reported as true; with narrow scope, it serves to weaken the modal force.