Revisiting kind predication in Italian

Abstract

In this work, I present novel data form Italian, showing that the flavor of generic sentences interacts with mood. Definite plural generics may receive a law-like or an accidental flavor when the subject is modified by a relative in the indicative. However, when the subject is modified by a relative in the subjunctive, it can only receive a law-like reading. I argue that this data is explained if we extend to kinds, standardly seen as intensional plural entities, the tools already used in the treatment of referential plurals, and specifically the distributive operator. I propose that the interaction between the flavor of generic sentences and the presence of the subjunctive is due to a structural ambiguity in Italian definite plural generics. The optional insertion of the distributive operator in plural definite generics gives rise to two LFs. (i) If 'DIST' is not inserted, the kind is interpreted in the restriction of GEN, and we get the usual LF. The modal nature of this structure yields the law-like reading, and licenses the subjunctive. (ii) If it is inserted, it distributes the predicate over actual members of the kind, yielding the accidental reading. The subjunctive is then not licensed, as it cannot be interpreted in the modal environment provided by the restriction of GEN. This also predicts that singular indefinite generics cannot receive accidental readings, as they don’t denote kinds. I finally argue that a similar reasoning provides a fresh perspective on English bare plurals.