Semantic mismatch and microvariation in Telugu Psych-PC predicates: Event structure of '-ki' and '-gaa'

Abstract

A well-known generalization in Dravidian languages is that Psych-Predicates need dative subjects in order to predicate. This paper discusses the data from Telangana Telugu (TT), which uses nominative subjects with psych-PCs and shows that datives are not obligatory in the presence of '-gaa'. It builds on Balusu's (2016) idea of  '-gaa' as a [+eventive] Pred0 and explains its dynamic semantics via the subevental structure within Ramchand's (2008) First Phase Syntax (FPS). Finally, it explains the experiencers in TT which use both '-ki' and  '-gaa' and yet give dynamic semantics using dative incorporation.